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Abstract
Change is an inevitable part of every dynamic society. Economic
changes which displace labor include changes in consumer preferences
which result in unemployment for those producing goods no longer desired ,
technical changes, in which the same product is produced with less labor,
and political -economic changes , which cause labor displacement as a direct
or indirect result of a conscious policy decision. Under tradition, public
policy, and law, the source of labor-displacing change is a primary determinant
of the availability and extent of any "adjustment assistance'' for
those persons displaced.
In Europe, virtually all workers are guaranteed some form of adjustment
assistance, including mandatory 30-day notice before severance, severance
pay, and (often) retraining and relocation assistance. In the United
States, adjustment assistance is provided as a result of private negotiations
(usually between union and management) or because the federal government has
assumed an obligation for those displaced. Collective bargaining agreements
which provided private adjustment assistance to displaced workers include
the meat-packing automation agreements of the early 1960's and the longshore
containerization agreements in the late 1950's. Federal adjustment assistance
is provided to those in domestic industries who lose work time or
employment because of import competition and to individuals who may be
displaced by government-mandated rail or mass transit re-organization, park
expansion, or environmental protections.
Individuals involuntarily displaced typically suffer substantial income
(and psychic) losses. Earnings in the year after displacement are often
only 50 to 75 percent of earnings in the year before displacement. Individual
hardship varies in relatively predictable patterns. Older workers, those
with fewer skills, those unable to leave the area, and those who are female
or belong to minority populations suffer the most severe income losses. The
extent and distribution of income losses depends on both individual and area
characteristics. Area unemployment conditions are most critical in determining
re-employment ease or difficulty, but advance notice, employer-union
cooperation, and the active involvement of local employment service personnel
can reduce the duration of unemployment and improve prospects for satisfying
new employment.
Current concern for the labor displacin3 consequences of agricultural
mechanization results from the nature of labor-displacing change, the lack
of private and public adjustment assistance for displaced farm laborers, and
the existence of real income losses among those displaced. Although some
700, 000 persons do some farmwork for pay each year in California, the vast
majority work less than 10 days in agriculture. The resulting work pattern
assures farmworkers multiple sources of income, which limits income losses
when any single crop harvest is mechanized. In designing and administering
any "adjustment assistance" program for farmworkers, the high proportion of
"casual" workers and these multiple income sources make it difficult to avoid a Hobson's choice: exclusion of the casual workforce or providing
incentives to many persons to do a few days of farmwork in order to qualify
for displacement compensation.
Some agricultural research is conducted with public monies. If this
research results in labor-saving innovations , what responsibility does
government (or its agents) incur for the plight of displaced labor? If
one adopts the legal notion of culpability, responsibility rests with the
initiator of displacing change, i.e., the university. But if the benefits
of agricultural mechanization accrue to society-at-large, general labor
market assistance can be justified. General adjustment assistance is
usually favored by manpower researchers, since it is often more effective
and efficient and avoids horizontal inequities (providing different benefits
to similarly situated persons).